Weak
enemies allow the dictator to flourish, despite his economic house of cards.
by Kim Zigfeld of PJ
Media
The Russian economy has recorded its sixth straight quarter of
declining economic growth. A year and half ago, Russian GDP growth was above
5%; now it’s barely above 1%, and the worst appears yet to come.
Ironically, as second quarter 2013 performance results came out
last week, the truly frightening news for Russia was how well the
country’s stock market was doing. It shrugged off news of the sixth straight
quarterly decline, and it shrugged off the fact that the Q2 growth of 1.2% was
more than a third less then the Kremlin had predicted. The only way the Russian
market could ignore news this bad? By already being dead.
Pavel Demeshchik, a dealer at ING Bank in Moscow, told the Wall
Street Journal: “The market is thin, volumes are low. All went
to dacha after lunch on Friday.” The market doesn’t care how bad the news is
because hardly anyone is trading.
At the start of the year, the Kremlin rosily predicted 3.6% growth
for 2013 — the same level Russia had in the first half of 2011. By April, the
Kremlin was already backing away from that prediction, cutting the forecast by
a third to 2.4%.
The Russian economy is spiraling helplessly into recession even
though the price of crude oil, its lifeblood, remains strong. The reason is
simple: Putin’s draconian neo-Soviet policies are choking off foreign
investment and causing domestic capital to flee at an alarming rate. There
simply is no money available for building factories and creating jobs. Last
year, foreign direct investment (FDI), already at anemic levels even for
Russia, plunged by 15%.
In 2008 at the start of the global economic crisis, Russia raked in $75 billion
in FDI. By 2012, Putinomics had established Russia as the worst-performing
major economy post-crisis: FDI had fallen by more than half to $31 billion.
For comparison, Ireland attracted that amount despite having just
3% of Russia’s population. Brazil, to which Russia is often compared, has more
than doubled Russia’s FDI at present.
But even if there was reasonable cash flow, Russia could not make
use of it for two profoundly worrying reasons.
One is corruption: Transparency International calls Russia the
most corrupt major civilization on this planet. Because of corruption, the 2014
Olympic Games are costing Russia at least double what they should, as the
Kremlin has to throw two dollars in to get one dollar’s worth of work back out.
The other is lack of innovation. Putin is squeezing the life out
of Russian society, denying citizens the chance to be enterprising. Further,
higher education is dismal. Russia doesn’t have a single school ranked
among the world’s top 75. Professors are poorly paid, facilities are poorly
funded, and research is profoundly constrained by politics, just as in Soviet
times.
When American gay advocacy groups recently considered boycotting
Russian goods over Putin’s homophobia, they were unable to identify a popular
Russian good worth boycotting. Stolichnaya vodka was considered — but no, it’s not
Russian.
In 2009, Russia’s stock market lost 75% of its value, and the
economy contracted by a brutal 7.5%. The ruble collapsed, and Russia had to
burn through a gigantic portion of its cash reserves to prevent catastrophic
freefall. Putin had previously depicted Russia as a “safe harbor” immune from
the problems of mismanagement and debt plaguing the West. In 2009 this claim
was unmasked, and the Russian economy hasn’t been the same since.
Putin has claimed that, under his leadership, the disastrous
economic performance of Boris Yeltsin was reversed. This claim is simply not
true: in Yeltsin’s final year of rule, Russia had 6.4% GDP
growth, and the following year — before any policy of Putin’s could have
been implemented — GDP growth was 10%. After Putin’s policies became
operational in 2001, Russia has matched or beaten the Yeltsin benchmark of 6.4%
only five times. During the other seven Putin years since 2000, economic
performance has been worse than under Yeltsin, often significantly worse, and
Russia is now headed for its second brutal recession of the decade.
Perhaps fear of these lies being exposed explains Putin’s impulse
to arrest his economic critics. His first major rival, businessman Mikhail
Khodorkovsky, has been cooling his heels in Siberia for years. His second major
rival, anti-corruption attorney Alexei Navalny, has just been convicted on
similar political charges and is likely joining Khodorkovsky.
Condoleezza Rice recently told Charlie Rose:
The Russia of today is a diminished power. It still has nuclear
weapons. It still has a security council veto. But it is, on any given day, the
14th, 15th, or 16th largest economy in the world, in a world in which economic
power matters.
Despite Russia’s turmoil, President Barack Obama has not shown any
signs he will take advantage of Putin’s feeble economic position to pressure
his tyrannical behavior: see his limp response to the Edward Snowden asylum
provocation.
Similarly, Republicans show little signs they will pressure Obama
over his soft touch with Putin. And so Putin remains at the helm, driving
Russia further into economic oblivion.
Kim Zigfeld is a New York City-based writer who publishes her own
Russia specialty blog, La
Russophobe. She also writes about Russia for the American
Thinker and for Russia!
magazine and is researching a book on the rise of dictatorship in Putin’s
Russia.
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