The
Writing of a Great Address
Lincoln began forming his
thoughts just after the Battle of Gettysburg.
By PEGGY NOONAN of the Wall
Street Journal
-
The
air is full of the Battle of Gettysburg, whose 150th anniversary this week
marked. Those who love history are thinking about Little Round Top and Devil's
Den, Culp's Hill and the Peach Orchard, and all the valor and mistakes of men
at war. The mystery of them, too. How did Joshua Chamberlain, a bookish young
professor of rhetoric from Maine, turn into a steely-eyed warrior of the most
extraordinary grit and guts at the exact moment those qualities were most
needed? He was a living hinge of history. Why did Robert E. Lee, that military
master who always knew when not to push it too far, push it too far and order
Pickett to charge that open field?
At
Gettysburg, great deeds were followed by great words. The battle won the war—it
was the turning point—and a speech named the war's meaning. We will mark the
150th anniversary of the Gettysburg address this fall.
What
do we know of its writing? Still pretty much what John Nicolay told us in 1894,
31 years later. In an essay in The Century, a quarterly, Nicolay, one of
Lincoln's two private secretaries, sought to put to rest some myths.
On
Nov. 19, 1863, President Lincoln would speak at the dedication of the new
national cemetery. He had been invited just over two weeks before, so he wouldn't
have long to prepare his remarks. And he was busy with other things—a report to
Congress, the day-to-day of the war.
"There
is no record of when Mr. Lincoln wrote the first sentences of his proposed
address," wrote Nicolay. "He probably followed his usual habit in
such matters, using great deliberation in arranging his thoughts, and molding
his phrases mentally, waiting to reduce them to writing until they had taken
satisfactory form."
This
is somewhat unusual way to write an important document. It's how Samuel Johnson
often wrote his essays, getting it right in his head and then committing it,
almost fully formed, to paper. From my observation, writers of speeches tend to
jot down thoughts, ideas and bits of language and then compose, draft after draft,
from the notes. I asked a friend, a writer and artist, if he knew of another
writer who wrote as Lincoln and Johnson did. "No, but I know of a great
composer who seems to have done exactly that—Mozart."
One
of the 1200 memorials which dot this National Park here along Cemetery Ridge
where "Pickett's Charge" was repulsed.
Lincoln
travelled to Gettysburg by train, arriving near sundown the night before the
speech. In his pocket, not his hat, he carried an almost-finished draft,
written in ink on Executive Office stationary. He didn't write any of the
speech on the trip—there was too much bustle around him, and the train jerked
too much.
That
night in Gettysburg, Lincoln stayed in the home of David Wills, a local "eminento"
who'd pushed the idea of the national cemetery and helped buy the land. The
little town was overrun with visitors. A crowd gathered at Wills's house and
called out to Lincoln to speak.
Here
we see a nice moment of the egalitarianism and lack of reverence with which
19th-century Americans approached their presidents.
Lincoln
came out and said: "I appear before you . . . merely to thank
you for the compliment." He would not deliver a speech for "several
substantial reasons." One is that he didn't have one. "In my position
it is somewhat important that I should not say any foolish things," he
added.
"If
you can help it," shot a voice from the crowd.
Lincoln
said the only way to help it was to say "nothing at all."
The
next morning, Nicolay joined Lincoln upstairs and stayed for about an hour as
the president, with lead pencil, finished the speech.
Days
before, Lincoln had told the reporter Noah Brooks that the address would be
"short, short, short." He wasn't the main speaker of the day; that
was the famous orator Edward Everett, who spoke at noon, for two hours.
From
Lincoln the crowd expected something quick, maybe pithy, possibly perfunctory.
"They were therefore totally unprepared for what they heard," Nicolay
recalled, "and could not immediately realize that his words, and not those
of the carefully selected orator, were to carry the concentrated thought of the
occasion like a trumpet-peal to furthest posterity."
Nicolay
sat a few feet from Lincoln. "It is the distinct recollection of the
writer . . . that he did not read from the written pages," that
there was nothing "mechanical" in his delivery. He spoke instead from
"the fullness and conciseness of thought and memory."
In
the end there were three versions of the speech, all the same in meaning but
with small stylistic differences.
There
was the draft Lincoln wrote in Washington and finished in Gettysburg. There is
the version taken down in shorthand by an Associated Press reporter as the
president spoke—this would be telegraphed across the country and splashed on
the next morning's front pages. And there is the revised copy Lincoln made
after his return to the White House. He compared his original draft with the
version in the newspapers and included "his own recollections of the exact
form in which he delivered" the speech. That draft is now the official,
agreed-upon text.
More
from Allen Guelzo's new "Gettysburg: The Last Invasion," a sweeping
and meticulous recounting of the battle that never loses sight of its
essentials. Mr. Guelzo, in an epilogue, says something about the Gettysburg
Address I'd not seen noted in a life reading Lincoln.
It
turns out Lincoln gave a kind of preview of the address only three days after
the battle had ended. It was July 7. Word had reached the War Department of
another Union triumph, on July 4, at Vicksburg, Miss. This greatly cheered a
glum Lincoln, who'd been grieving Gen. George Meade's decision not to follow
and crush Lee's forces as they retreated from Pennsylvania. What happened at
Vicksburg underscored the momentum toward victory. Lincoln called the news
"great. . . . It is great!"
Word
swept through Washington. A crowd marched down Pennsylvania Avenue to the White
House and called for a speech.
Lincoln
improvised from a second-floor window. Actually he rambled, but you can see
where even then he was going. Guelzo puts Lincoln's remarks in italics:
"How long ago is it? . . . eighty odd years—since on the Fourth
of July for the first time in the history of the world a nation by its representatives,
assembled and declared as a self-evident truth that 'all men are created
equal.' " The victories at Gettysburg and Vicksburg, he said, had put
the opponents of that truth on the run.
This,
Lincoln said, was "a glorious theme," but he was not prepared, at
that moment, to do it justice.
He
would, however, in the next two weeks, as he thought, and formulated, and
decided exactly how he wanted to say what he wanted to say.
"How
long ago is it—eighty odd years?" would become, "Four score and seven
years ago." Less dry and numeric, that. Almost biblical, as if the events
of 1776 were epochal in the history of man.
Which
is what he thought.
And
he was right.
Happy
237th Independence Day to America, the great and fabled nation that is still,
this day, the hope of the world.
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