Buck McKeon: A 'No' on
Syria If Military Cuts Aren't Restored
I can't agree to send our troops on another
mission without making sure they have the funding they need.
By BUCK MCKEON
As Congress debates
whether to authorize a strike on Syria in response to Bashar Assad's use of
chemical weapons, much has been said and written about America's special role
in the world. Simply put, the blessings of prosperity obligate the U.S. to
enforce the peace it seeks.
There is no nobler duty.
If the U.S. is unwilling to use its strength to respond to Assad's crimes, then
the defenseless will continue to be slaughtered in Syria, and America risks
having similar atrocities visited upon its citizens. To allow the use of
weapons of mass destruction to go unanswered would be an abdication of
America's unique responsibility in world affairs.
That said, consider the
condition of the military that President Obama seeks to deploy against the
Assad regime. Common sense dictates that if you increase how often the military
is used at a time when the military budget is being cut, you should restore the
funding or you're asking for trouble. It's the same with driving a car: If you
put 175,000 miles on your Chevy and spend less on maintenance as time passes,
soon that Chevy's going to be up on blocks.
The president, instead
of dictating a clear national-security strategy and budgeting to meet those
strategic aims, has instead done the opposite.
The USS Barry, a guided-missile
destroyer that has been dispatched to the eastern Mediterranean for possible
use against Syria.
During his five years in
office, Mr. Obama has cut the defense budget three separate times, with the
reductions totalling $1.2 trillion. President Obama surged troops to
Afghanistan as he cut the military's budget. He sent the Air Force on bombing
missions over Libya as he cut the military's budget. He initiated a
"pivot" to Asia, focusing the Navy there, as he cut the military's
budget. And now he is asking Congress to authorize military strikes against
Syria while cutting the military's budget another $50 billion in the next
fiscal year under sequestration.
Americans should be
uncomfortable with the notion of deploying a depleted military to combat without
a commitment on the part of the president and Congress to restore its funding.
It's irrelevant if the plan in Syria ultimately calls for cruise missile
strikes, airstrikes or boots on the ground. The American people have always
demanded that if the U.S. military goes to war, troops are provided with the
equipment and support necessary to win.
While the president
intends to carry out a "limited" strike—as he and Secretary of State John Kerry have emphasized—history has taught that war is
unpredictable, and unexpected events may require more force. This is why,
during this debate, we can't ignore the budget-sequester cuts that fell with
extra weight on the military.
I share President
Obama's concern about the barbaric use of chemical weapons on Syrian civilians.
I also care deeply about U.S. standing in a region where credibility counts.
When the president drew his red line, he put America's cards on the table.
However, I am equally
concerned about the condition of a military that has been chewed up from budget
cuts and years of fighting. Mr. Obama is now asking Congress to respond to the
Assad regime's brutality with military force. But the day before he asked
Congress to authorize this mission, he told our troops that their salaries will
be almost 1% less than expected next year.
This is unacceptable. We
cannot keep asking U.S. troops to perform dangerous missions while multiple
rounds of defense cuts, including sequestration, hang over their heads. There
must be a balance between the missions the president asks the military to do
and the missions the president is willing to fund. You don't conduct military
campaigns with half a heart or half a wallet. Or, as Napoleon put it:
"When you set out to take Vienna, take Vienna."
On Tuesday last week, I was encouraged to learn that the president
shares my concerns. At the end of a meeting with other congressional leaders,
he told me that he wants to find a way to fix sequestration. I am taking him at
his word, which is why I have asked for a follow-up meeting to discuss
specifically how he intends to restore military spending.
I need to understand
just how committed the president is to negotiating a resolution on sequester in
order to make an informed decision about my vote to use military force in
Syria. I understand that we can't lessen the damage of sequester before taking
action in Syria. But we have a near-term opportunity to do so.
I plan to ask the
president, in light of the weight of his decision to intervene in Syria, for
his commitment to address sequestration as part of any deal on the debt
ceiling. If he makes that commitment, then he has my support. If not, I won't
be able to vote to send our over-stretched and under-funded military into action.
The opportunity to undo the harm of the budget sequester is unlikely to come
around again.
Support for a military
strike is uncertain, particularly in the House. The idea that we would—once
again—deploy forces while they are financially strapped weighs heavily on many
members, including me, who would otherwise vote in favor of a strike.
In the coming days the president and his advisers will be working
to allay many understandable concerns: What are the likely secondary effects of
a strike? How will the president achieve his broad policy goal of ending
Assad's rule with such a limited mission? Is having Assad "step
aside," as the president put it in 2011, still the end goal?
With budget sequestration, as with Syria, President Obama's
policies have put this country in a tight spot. But as commander in chief, he
has the power to pull us out.
Mr. McKeon, a
congressman from California, is chairman of the House Armed Services Committee.
A version of this article appeared September 10, 2013, on page
A17 in the U.S. edition of The Wall Street Journal, with the headline: A 'No'
on Syria If Military Cuts Aren't Restored.
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