The Importance of Food (and money)
Abe
Touches Japan's Third Rail
Even modest reforms to rice subsidies are a
welcome step.
From the Wall Street
Journal
Japan's government
announced last week that it will revisit a few of the rules governing the
country's sclerotic agricultural market, especially rice production. While this
isn't the industrial or service issue most people associate with Prime Minister
Shinzo Abe's reform program, it is a sign that he is willing to touch one of
the third rails of Japanese politics.
Rice farmers have long
been one of the Liberal Democratic Party's core constituencies, so you know
change is afoot when an LDP leader dares to discuss reducing the decades-old
subsidy for farmers to not plant rice. Under the Production Adjustment
Promotion Program ( PAPP ), farmers receive payments for land they leave
fallow.
The purpose is to
discourage farmers from increasing rice production in response to the high
domestic rice prices caused by other government policies, such as import
tariffs of 778%. Roughly 30% of Japan's paddy land is unused thanks to this
policy.
Tokyo's rice policies
are expensive for ordinary Japanese as consumers and taxpayers. Taxpayer
subsidies for rice amount to 500 billion yen ($5.1 billion) per year, according
to Kazuhito Yamashita of the Canon Institute for Global Studies. Consumers pay
another roughly 500 billion yen more per year for rice than they would if free
competition and imports were allowed to pull prices downward.
That's a 1 trillion
yen subsidy for a rice industry whose total annual output is 1.8 trillion yen.
The proportion is in line with the rest of Tokyo's agricultural supports.
Taxpayer and consumer supports for Japanese agriculture amounted to 51% of
gross farm receipts as of 2011, according to the OECD, compared to an average
support ratio of 20% among OECD members.
These subsidies create
major distortions. The paddy set-aside program discourages the consolidation of
smaller plots into bigger farms by enabling small farmers to stay in operation
when market signals otherwise would encourage them to sell. The remarkably
small size of the average Japanese farm—only 8% of farms are larger than one hectare
(2.5 acres)—means that Japan has exceptionally low farm productivity.
Guaranteed income from PAPP and other subsidy programs also explains why
farmers resist selling land for non-agricultural uses despite high land prices.
These are not
subsistence farmers toiling 12 hours a day in the paddies. Rampant subsidies
have transformed farming into part-time work for 72% of Japanese farming
households, whose breadwinners often have other jobs. Japanese farmers on
average had per capita incomes 21% higher than their non-farming countrymen as
of 2010, according to the OECD. Farm subsidies are becoming a form of old-age
benefit. The average age of farmers is 66 and nearly half are older than 70.
The reform Tokyo is
contemplating is modest relative to the scale of Japan's agricultural problems,
but it would mark an important step. Details are sparse, but the government may
try to restrict eligibility for PAPP payments to farms larger than four
hectares, or 10 hectares in Hokkaido, to remove a disincentive for consolidating
smaller plots.
Tokyo might also move
further toward direct income supports for full-time farmers. This would reduce
subsidies that currently dissuade part-time farmers from giving up their plots.
If coupled with freer domestic pricing and international trade, this would at
least become a more honest form of socialism until Tokyo can bring itself to
eliminate subsidies.
Farmers have long
resisted such reforms, but their numbers are diminishing as children refuse to
take over the farms. Meanwhile, Mr. Abe is keenly aware that urban voters are
coming to support freer trade, including Japan's participation in the
Trans-Pacific Partnership talks. TPP will require significant agricultural
opening, and reform will be necessary to allow Japanese farmers to compete with
imports.
This is an issue worth
watching as Abenomics unfolds. TPP could be Mr. Abe's most consequential
reform, but only if it triggers domestic reforms that allow greater
competition.
The original link can be found at: http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702304527504579168961244747846
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