by benign0
A report of business and strategy news platform Qianzhan
(Prospects) in Mandarin was translated by English news site China Daily Mail
and titled “Chinese troops will seize Pag-asa Island [also called Thitu Island],
which is called by China Zhongye, back from the Philippines in 2014.”
The report said the Philippines is so arrogant as to announce in
the New Year that it will increase its navy and air force deployment at Pag-asa
Island which is part of the disputed Spratly Islands.
“According to experts, the Chinese Navy has drawn a detailed
combat plan to seize the island and the battle will be restricted within the
South China Sea. The battle is aimed at recovery of the island stolen by the
Philippines from China,” the report said.
The Philippines’ arrogance, the report said, is an intolerable
insult to China.
“There will be no invasion into Filipino territories,” the report
said.
The Spratlys (collectively referred to as Kalayaan by the Philippine government) are one of three archipelagos of the South China Sea (also known as the West Philippine Sea) which comprise more than 30,000 islands and reefs and which complicate governance and economics in that region of Southeast Asia. Such small and remote islands have little economic value in themselves but are important in establishing international boundaries. No native islanders inhabit the islands which offer rich fishing grounds and may contain significant oil and natural gas reserves.
About 45 islands are occupied by relatively small numbers of
military forces from the People’s Republic of China, Taiwan (ROC), Vietnam, the
Philippines, and Malaysia. Brunei has also claimed an exclusive economic zone
in the southeastern part of the Spratlys encompassing just one area of small
islands on Louisa Reef. This has led to escalating tensions between numerous
countries over the disputed status of the islands.
Pag-asa island [Thitu Island] has been occupied by the Philippines since 1970s
after the government purchased the whole Free Territory of Freedomland from
Tomás Cloma. It has a 1,400-metre (1,500 yd) unconcretized airstrip (named as
Rancudo Airfield) which serves both military and commercial air transportation
needs. It was the only airstrip in the whole Spratly chain that can accommodate
large aircraft, such as Philippine Air Force’s (PAF) C-130 cargo planes, until
the ROC constructed an airstrip on Itu Aba in 2007.
An 1801 map of the East Indies Isles which shows the placement of
the Spratly islands. Most of the names have changed since then. In 1956, a
private Filipino citizen, Tomas Cloma, unilaterally declared a state on 53
features in the South China Sea, calling it “Freedomland”. As the Republic of
China moved to occupy the main island in response, Cloma sold his claim to the
Philippine government, which annexed (de jure) the islands in 1978, calling
them Kalayaan. On June 11, 1978, President Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines
issued Presidential decree No. 1596, declaring the Spratly Islands (referred to
therein as the Kalayaan Island Group) as Philippine territory.
The Philippine claim to the Spratlys on a geographical basis can
be summarized using the assertion that the Spratlys are distinct from other
island groups in the South China Sea, because of the size of the biggest island
in the group. A second argument used by the Philippines regarding their
geographical claim over the Spratlys is that all the islands claimed by the
Philippines lie within its 200-mile Exclusive Economic Zone according to the
1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. This argument still
requires that the islands were res nullius (that there was no prior
effective sovereignty exercised over the territory), though. The Philippines
also argue, under maritime law that the People’s Republic of China can not
extend its baseline claims to the Spratlys because the PRC is not an
archipelagic state.
On 2 August 2012, the United States Senate unanimously passed a
resolution declaring that China’s recent actions to unilaterally assert control
of disputed territories in the South China Sea “are contrary to agreed upon
principles with regard to resolving disputes and impede a peaceful resolution.”
In a statement released on 3 August 2012, United States Department
of State deputy spokesman Patrick Ventrell said that the US has a “national
interest in the maintenance of peace and stability, respect for international
law, freedom of navigation, and unimpeded lawful commerce in the South China
Sea.” He added that the US does not take a position on competing territorial
claims and that it urges all involved parties to clarify and pursue their
territorial and maritime claims in accordance with international law. He further
said the US is urging all parties to take steps to lower tensions in keeping
with the 1992 ASEAN Declaration on the South China Sea and the 2002 ASEAN-China
Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea.
A Mutual Defense Treaty between the US and the Philippines signed
in 1951 states that “Each Party recognizes that an armed attack in the Pacific
Area on either of the Parties would be dangerous to its own peace and safety
and declares that it would act to meet the common dangers in accordance with
its constitutional processes,” which means that regardless of whatever lack of
“position” the US government takes on the matter of the dispute itself could be
trumped if ever military conflict between China and the Philippines escalates.
The US together with Great Britain have demonstrated a capability
to rapidly deploy large military forces into the region back in November 2013
after super-typhoon Haiyan (a.k.a. Yolanda) devastated much of the central Philippine
islands. The military hardware and personnel sent by the US alone, supposedly
to aid in the relief and recovery effort following the disaster, was awesome to
say the least. It consisted of a naval contingent led by the aircraft carrier
USS George Washington equipped with more than 80 military aircraft including
the state-of-the-art V-22 Osprey tiltrotor vertical take off and landing (VTOL)
aircraft (the first of its kind in the world put into active service). It is
likely that the Haiyan disaster presented itself to the US military as an
excellent opportunity to further evaluate the battle readiness of these new
weapons systems.
The deployment of military resources into the region by the US and
her allies in the days following the exit of Haiyan from the Philippines was
swift and efficient and highlighted the usual severe and often fatal paralysis
of the Philippine government in the face of crises requiring fast military
response. Indeed, the Philippines has long relied on the United States for military
defense. The Philippines’ military capability and state of military
preparedness had progressively degenerated since the country gained its
independence from the United States in 1946.
The country’s vulnerability to external threats was also
exacerbated by a shortsighted 1991 decision to not renew the US’s lease on huge
military bases it built all over the country. The US naval base in Subic Bay at
its peak was capable of supporting 9,000 military personnel and was home to the
US Navy Seventh Fleet back in the good ‘ol days. Furthermore, the US military
presence there and in other parts of the Philippines contributed at least $1
billion to the national economy per annum. The Philippines also sits smack
within vital sea lanes that serve most of East Asia, specifically the Straits
of Malacca which is one of the world’s busiest and most important shipping
lanes.
Since its withdrawal from the Philippines in 1991, US interest in
Philippine affairs and wherewithal to honour its commitments under existing
defense treaties has wavered. But the Philippines remains important to the US
because it is located near the Straits of Malacca, is within missile and
airstrike shot of one notably belligerent Korean regime, and is a more
convenient staging platform for any sort of strategic “deterrence” position
America aspires to taking in the next several years to balance military power
in a region surrounded by the emerging might of China and India.
Unfortunately for the good guys, China remains committed to its
resolve to enforce its claim on what it considers its territories in the area.
According to China’s state media, a “counterstrike” will be launched against
Philippine forces if the Philippine government does not stand down on its
provocative activities in the area…
The overseas edition of the People’s Daily, the official newspaper
of the Chinese Communist Party, said in a front-page commentary that the
Philippines had committed “seven sins” in the South China Sea.
These include the “illegal occupation” of the Spratly Islands,
inviting foreign capital to engage in oil and gas development in the disputed
waters and promoting the “internationalization” of the waters, said the
commentary.
The Philippines has called on the United States to act as a
“patron”, while ASEAN has become an “accomplice,” said the commentary, which
does not amount to official policy but can reflect the government’s thinking.
“The Philippines, knowing that it’s weak, believes that ‘a crying
child will have milk to drink’,” the People’s Daily said, accusing Manila of
resorting to many “unscrupulous” tricks in the disputed waters.
China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi had warned last year that
“countries with territorial claims in the South China Sea that look for help
from third parties will find their efforts ‘futile’, adding that the path of
confrontation would be ‘doomed’.”
[NB: Parts of this article were lifted from the Wikipedia.org
articles “Thitu Island”, “Spratly Islands”, and “Spratly Islands dispute” in a
manner compliant to the terms stipulated in the Creative Commons
Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License that
governs usage of content made available in this site.
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