What I Learned
Fighting Poverty in Little Rock
It was 1964 and I was a liberal confident that
society could be greatly improved by large infusions of money.
By Joseph Epstein in
the Wall Street Journal
With all the talk
currently being bruited about the 50th anniversary of the war on poverty, I am
reminded that for a year, between 1964 and 1965, I was the director of the
antipoverty program of Pulaski County, Ark., which included Little Rock, the
adjoining city of North Little Rock and the surrounding rural area. I was then
27 years old, appropriately left-wing, and confident that society could be
greatly improved with the help of large infusions of money and the serious
thinking of people like myself.
My only qualification
for directing a local antipoverty program was that a few months before I had
been approached for the job I had published an article in Harper's magazine
about urban renewal. The article was roughly 6,000 words, and my total
knowledge of the subject was perhaps 8,000 words. Based on that article, I was,
for four or five months, one of the leading housing experts in America.
Nobody at the time was
much of an expert on poverty. The main book on the subject was Michael
Harrington's "The Other America: Poverty in the United States"
(1962). Harrington's book was less a study than an exhortation; its argument
was that in a society so affluent as ours, poverty was an egregious sin.
The population of
Pulaski County was roughly a quarter of a million. I had on my staff a
secretary and three assistants who had the title of "field workers."
Two field workers were young black men, the third was an older (than I or they)
and remarkable woman named Ruth Arnold, whose model of a good society was an
integrated one, which was—and remains—mine.
The way money in the
antipoverty program worked was that the local community put up 10% of the sum
they asked of the federal government; the 10% could also be "in
kind." This meant that one could charge off office space, desks and chairs
and stationery and anything else to count toward the 10%. My salary as director
was $10,000.
One of the first
things I did was attempt to work out a map illustrating Pulaski County's
"pockets of poverty." Little Rock and North Little Rock had blocks
and blocks of shotgun houses—a straight shot from the front door to the
back—still without indoor plumbing. I remember remarking to a female black
schoolteacher, with the heavy irony available to the ignorant, that shabby as
these houses were, almost all of them had television sets. "Please don't
knock those television sets," she said. "They give these children the
only chance they will ever have to hear decent English."
Some of the programs
Washington wanted us to administer were fairly exotic. A number of others were
merely silly. I remember one called "Foster Grandparents," in which
the elderly would be paid to baby-sit the children of officially poor mothers
who could then go off to work. Rubbing up against human nature, the program
failed to recognize that the elderly do not necessarily long for the company of
the very young, or vice versa.
Many of the shotgun
houses I visited were inhabited by black single mothers with multiple kids. I
attempted to explain all the good things the antipoverty program would do for
them and their families. I also gave talks about poverty to middle-class
women's groups, informing them that there were children in Harlem who had never
seen an orange. The women's eyes teared up. I spoke in black churches, quoting
arid statistics on poverty to which men in the audience would chant, "Tell
it, brother."
Around this time the
civil-rights movement was well under way. I used to hang out with members of
SNCC, the acronym for the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee. I taught
the SNCC people how they might apply for federal funds to get out the black
vote.
I had genuine regard
for those SNCC members who were not merely doing left-wing tourism but were in
the movement full-time. Many had participated in protest marches in Alabama,
Louisiana and Mississippi, and paid for it by having local police billy clubs
smashed over their heads and being attacked by German shepherds.
I spent some time with
one of the leaders of the Little Rock SNCC organization, a man named Bill
Hansen, who had put in time in some of the worst jails in the South. We once
had lunch together in a dingy restaurant in the black district. I picked up the
check. Hansen put three quarters on the table for a tip. "You know,
Bill," I said, " Trotsky never tipped." He picked up the quarters.
As antipoverty program
director, I decided to set up fundamental programs: Head Start, the preschool
program for poor kids; legal aid; and birth-control counseling. I left Little
Rock and the antipoverty program before they were put into effect.
Not long before I
decided to return home to Chicago, I received a phone call from a young woman
at SNCC inviting me to join a mass protest at the Arkansas capitol building. I
told her that if I were to do so my usefulness as a government representative
would be at an end. "You're either with us or against us. You
decide," she said, and hung up.
For a while after I
left Little Rock for Chicago I kept in touch by phone with Ruth Arnold, who
told me that things were fizzling out with the local antipoverty program.
Middle-class children were now increasingly going to preschool, which
effectively wiped out any true head-start that poor children might have
obtained. The poor used legal aid, not to sue the city and the school board, as
political-minded antipoverty workers had hoped, but mainly to sue one another:
for divorce, debt collection, paternity. As for birth-control counseling, who
knew or could know for years to come what its effects would be.
I've not been back to
Little Rock for decades, but my guess is that little has changed for the poor
since my days as director of the antipoverty program there. The poverty in
Pulaski County, make no mistake, was and is real. Only the ways of dealing with
it remain in the realm of fantasy.
Mr. Epstein is the
author, most recently, of "Essays in Biography" (Axios Press, 2012).
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