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Thursday, January 30, 2014

Pyongyang, Tennessee


Pyongyang, Tennessee

 

The UAW's German ally takes a dim view of Dixie's auto boom.

 

By Holman W. Jenkins, Jr. in the Wall Street Journal

North Korea? That's the analogy Germany's top labor leader recently applied to the American South because, in the American South, nonunion auto plants are permitted to exist.

Detlef Wetzel, chairman of Germany's IG Metall union, told Reuters late last year: "Low wages and union-free areas: that's not a business model IG Metall would support. If companies entered these [Southern U.S.] states in order to be free of unions, meaning to not acknowledge a fundamental pillar of democracy, then we're in North Korea."

It would be interesting in an appalling sort of way to plumb Herr Wetzel's reasoning about when employment of nonunion workers makes a country North Korea. After all, 82% of German workers aren't unionized either. But no doubt his epithet only applies in industries that compete with IG Metall for jobs.

This meshes with the agenda of United Auto Workers chief Bob King, who has sought the German union's help to unionize the U.S. plants of Volkswagen VOW3.XE in Your Value Your Change Short position and Mercedes. What happened to Mr. King's pitch of just a couple of years ago, that the UAW's new mission was to make auto makers more productive and profitable? Nowhere is it written the union couldn't be an asset to an employer, but never in evidence was a strategy to turn Mr. King's nicey-nice sentiment into action.

His union not only makes common cause with a German union whose aim is to reduce the competitiveness of U.S. plants. He lately proposed to boost his union's strike fund with higher dues in order, as he put it, to avoid "confrontation" with the Big Three. In fact, the union seeks a confrontation: Its mission in next year's contract talks is to revoke the "entry-level" wage established in 2007 to help Detroit match costs with its foreign competitors.

A question the union gauges only in its inner sanctum is whether, so soon after the bailouts, politicians are ready to indulge a more militant UAW. Doubtful. Democrats in Washington may be attached to the idea that the decline in unionization and rise in inequality are the same thing, mostly as an excuse for doing the bidding of organized labor, a major funder of the party. But politics does not trump reality out in the economy.

This month Seattle-area Democrats were quick to throw organized labor over the side to save a large Boeing investment in their area. Michigan last year turned itself into a right-to-work state. In the bankruptcy last year of Twinkie-maker Hostess Brands, the bakers deliberately forced liquidation of the company to free themselves from a fellow union, the Teamsters, whose high-cost distribution practices were strangling Hostess's growth opportunities.

Which brings us to Volkswagen, the pivotal test of Mr. King's post-bailout focus on organizing the transplants.

After some hemming and hawing, Volkswagen has now decided not to invite the UAW into its new Chattanooga plant on a "card check" basis—without a secret ballot vote. For one thing, many of the pro-union cards the UAW boasts about were apparently signed by temporary workers no longer at the plant.

Volkswagen remains under pressure from IG Metall to accept the UAW into the factory whether or not workers want it. The union sits on VW's supervisory board and reportedly threatened to block a new crossover SUV to be built in North America that VW desperately needs to rescue its faltering U.S. ambitions.

Now this battle seems to be ending with a whimper, perhaps foreshadowing the same for Mr. King's Southern strategy. VW just announced $7 billion in fresh investment, certain to include a new midsize SUV. The company's new U.S. boss says Volkswagen will "listen" to America rather than the other way around.

Let's keep a bit of history in mind. In the late 1970s, the company opened a UAW-staffed factory in Pennsylvania. It was a disaster. When workers weren't striking, the factory churned out exactly the wrong car for an America of falling energy prices. After a fast start at the Chattanooga plant, VW finds itself again producing outdated sedans the market doesn't want. A fix would hardly be expedited by piping aboard the UAW at the exact moment the UAW is casting aside its post-bailout cooperative mien.

But the union has to do something. The UAW collects sizable dues from members yet is losing its ability to extract for them better wages and benefits than nonunion workers get. The soon-to-retire Mr. King still talks confidently of winning a VW vote, but his Southern strategy always seemed a Potemkin exercise to distract his members until the post-bailout political atmospherics recede and the union can go back to using its labor monopoly to squeeze the Big Three.

Our guess is the banquet years of the 1990s aren't coming back. UAW members will conclude that what they're getting for their soon-to-be-hiked dues is increasingly nothing.

 

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