What to Do When
ObamaCare Unravels
Health insurance should be individual,
portable across jobs, states and providers, and lifelong and renewable.
By John H. Cochrane in
the Wall Street Journal
The unraveling of the Affordable Care
Act presents a historic opportunity for change. Its proponents call
it "settled law," but as Prohibition taught us, not even a
constitutional amendment is settled law—if it is dysfunctional enough, and if
Americans can see a clear alternative.
This fall's website
fiasco and policy cancellations are only the beginning. Next spring the
individual mandate is likely to unravel when we see how sick the people are who
signed up on exchanges, and if our government really is going to penalize
voters for not buying health insurance. The employer mandate and
"accountable care organizations" will take their turns in the news.
There will be scandals. There will be fraud. This will go on for years.
Yet opponents should
not sit back and revel in dysfunction. The Affordable Care
Act was enacted in response to genuine problems. Without a clear
alternative, we will simply patch more, subsidize more, and ignore frauds and
scandals, as we do in Medicare and other programs.
There is an
alternative. A much freer market in health care and health insurance can work,
can deliver high quality, technically innovative care at much lower cost, and
solve the pathologies of the pre-existing system.
The U.S. health-care
market is dysfunctional. Obscure prices and $500 Band-Aids are legendary. The
reason is simple: Health care and health insurance are strongly protected from
competition. There are explicit barriers to entry, for example the laws in many
states that require a "certificate of need" before one can build a
new hospital. Regulatory compliance costs, approvals, nonprofit status,
restrictions on foreign doctors and nurses, limits on medical residencies, and
many more barriers keep prices up and competitors out. Hospitals whose main
clients are uncompetitive insurers and the government cannot innovate and
provide efficient cash service.
We need to permit the Southwest Airlines,
and Apples of the world to bring to health
care the same dramatic improvements in price, quality, variety, technology and
efficiency that they brought to air travel, retail and electronics. We'll know
we are there when prices are on hospital websites, cash customers get
discounts, and new hospitals and insurers swamp your inbox with attractive
offers and great service.
The Affordable Care
Act bets instead that more regulation, price controls, effectiveness panels,
and "accountable care" organizations will force efficiency,
innovation, quality and service from the top down. Has this ever worked? Did we
get smartphones by government pressure on the 1960s AT&T,
UPS and email? How about public schools or the
last 20 or more health-care "cost control" ideas?
Only deregulation can
unleash competition. And only disruptive competition, where new businesses
drive out old ones, will bring efficiency, lower costs and innovation.
Health insurance
should be individual, portable across jobs, states and providers; lifelong and
guaranteed-renewable, meaning you have the right to continue with no unexpected
increase in premiums if you get sick. Insurance should protect wealth against
large, unforeseen, necessary expenses, rather than be a wildly inefficient
payment plan for routine expenses.
People want to buy
this insurance, and companies want to sell it. It would be far cheaper, and
would solve the pre-existing conditions problem. We do not have such health
insurance only because it was regulated out of existence. Businesses cannot
establish or contribute to portable individual policies, or employees would
have to pay taxes. So businesses only offer group plans. Knowing they will
abandon individual insurance when they get a job, and without cross-state
portability, there is little reason for young people to invest in lifelong,
portable health insurance. Mandated coverage, pressure against full risk
rating, and a dysfunctional cash market did the rest.
Rather than a mandate
for employer-based groups, we should transition to fully individual-based
health insurance. Allow national individual insurance offered and sold to
anyone, anywhere, without the tangled mess of state mandates and regulations.
Allow employers to contribute to individual insurance at least on an even basis
with group plans. Current group plans can convert to individual plans, at once
or as people leave. Since all members in a group convert, there is no adverse
selection of sicker people.
ObamaCare
defenders say we must suffer the dysfunction and patch the law, because there
is no alternative. They are wrong. On Nov. 2, for example, New York Times
columnist Nicholas Kristof wrote movingly
about his friend who lost employer-based insurance and died of colon cancer.
Mr. Kristof concluded, "This is why we need Obamacare." No, this is
why we need individual, portable, guaranteed-renewable, inexpensive,
catastrophic-coverage insurance.
On Nov. 15, MIT's
Jonathan Gruber, an ObamaCare
architect, argued on Realclearpolitics that "we currently have a highly
discriminatory system where if you're sick, if you've been sick or you're going
to get sick, you cannot get health insurance." We do. He concluded that
the Affordable Care Act is "the only way to end that discriminatory
system." It is not.
On Dec. 3, President
Obama himself said that "the only alternative that Obamacare's critics
have, is, well, let's just go back to the status quo." Not so.
What about the
homeless guy who has a heart attack? Yes, there must be private and
government-provided charity care for the very poor. What if people don't get
enough checkups? Send them vouchers. To solve these problems we do not need a
federal takeover of health care and insurance for you, me, and every American.
No other country has a
free health market, you may object. The rest of the world is closer to single
payer, and spends less.
Sure. We can have a
single government-run airline too. We can ban FedEx and UPS, and have a
single-payer post office. We can have government-run telephones and TV. Thirty
years ago every other country had all of these, and worthies said that markets
couldn't work for travel, package delivery, the "natural monopoly" of
telephones and TV. Until we tried it. That the rest of the world spends less
just shows how dysfunctional our current system is, not how a free market would
work.
While economically
straightforward, liberalization is always politically hard. Innovation and cost
reduction require new businesses to displace familiar, well-connected
incumbents. Protected businesses spawn "good jobs" for protected
workers, dues for their unions, easy lives for their managers, political
support for their regulators and politicians, and cushy jobs for health-policy
wonks. Protection from competition allows private insurance to cross-subsidize
Medicare, Medicaid, and emergency rooms.
But it can happen. The
first step is, the American public must understand that there is an
alternative. Stand up and demand it.
Mr. Cochrane is a
professor of finance at the University of Chicago Booth School of Business, a
senior fellow of the Hoover institution, and an adjunct scholar of the Cato
institute.
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