Etiquette Versus Annihilation
Recent statements from United
Nations officials, that Iran is already blocking their existing efforts to keep
track of what is going on in their nuclear program, should tell anyone who does
not already know it that any agreement with Iran will be utterly worthless in
practice. It doesn't matter what the terms of the agreement are, if Iran can
cheat.
It is amazing -- indeed, staggering
-- that so few Americans are talking about what it would mean for the world's
biggest sponsor of international terrorism, Iran, to have nuclear bombs, and to
be developing intercontinental missiles that can deliver them far beyond the
Middle East.
Back during the years of the nuclear
stand-off between the Soviet Union and the United States, contemplating what a
nuclear war would be like was called "thinking the unthinkable." But
surely the Nazi Holocaust during World War II should tell us that what is
beyond the imagination of decent people is by no means impossible for people
who, as Churchill warned of Hitler before the war, had "currents of hatred
so intense as to sear the souls of those who swim upon them."
Have we not already seen that kind
of hatred in the Middle East? Have we not seen it in suicide bombings there and
in suicide attacks against America by people willing to sacrifice their own
lives by flying planes into massive buildings, to vent their unbridled hatred?
The Soviet Union was never suicidal,
so the fact that we could annihilate their cities if they attacked ours was a
sufficient deterrent to a nuclear attack from them. But will that deter
fanatics with an apocalyptic vision? Should we bet the lives of millions of
Americans on our ability to deter nuclear war with Iran?
It is now nearly 70 years since
nuclear bombs were used in war. Long periods of safety in that respect have
apparently led many to feel as if the danger is not real. But the dangers are
even greater now and the nuclear bombs more devastating.
Clearing the way for Iran to get
nuclear bombs may -- probably will -- be the most catastrophic decision in
human history. And it can certainly change human history, irrevocably, for the
worse.
Against that grim background, it is
almost incomprehensible how some people can be preoccupied with the question
whether having Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu address Congress,
warning against the proposed agreement, without the prior approval of President
Obama, was a breach of protocol.
Against the background of the Obama
administration's negotiating what can turn out to be the most catastrophic
international agreement in the nation's history, to complain about protocol is
to put questions of etiquette above questions of annihilation.
Why is Barack Obama so anxious to
have an international agreement that will have no legal standing under the
Constitution just two years from now, since it will be just a presidential
agreement, rather than a treaty requiring the "advice and consent" of
the Senate?
There are at least two reasons. One
reason is that such an agreement will serve as a fig leaf to cover his failure
to do anything that has any serious chance of stopping Iran from going nuclear.
Such an agreement will protect Obama politically, despite however much it
exposes the American people to unprecedented dangers.
The other reason is that, by going
to the United Nations for its blessing on his agreement with Iran, he can get a
bigger fig leaf to cover his complicity in the nuclear arming of America's most
dangerous enemy. In Obama's vision, as a citizen of the world, there may be no
reason why Iran should not have nuclear weapons when other nations have them.
Politically, President Obama could
not just come right out and say such a thing. But he can get the same end
result by pretending to have ended the dangers by reaching an agreement with
Iran. There have long been people in the Western democracies who hail every
international agreement that claims to reduce the dangers of war.
The road to World War II was strewn
with arms control agreements on paper that aggressor nations ignored in
practice. But those agreements lulled the democracies into a false sense of
security that led them to cut back on military spending while their enemies
were building up the military forces to attack them.
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